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INTERNATIONALIST
PAPERS - BACK ISSUES
n°
l (May 1992)
To the Reader: Resuming Our International Press - Marxism
And Russia - The Myth of “Socialist Planning”
in Russia - What Distinguishes Our Party - Back To Basics:
Fundamental Theses of the Party (1951)-Our Press
n° 2 (June 1993)
To the Reader: A Year After - The International Communist
Party -Capitalism Is War - The Fall of the House of
Stalin (I) - Back To Basics: Three Documents on the
Relationship Between Party and Class - Party Interventions
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n° 3 (June 1994)
To the Reader: Harsh Realities, Deceitful Mirages -
The Abolition of Wage Labor Means the Abolition of Production
for the Sake of Production - The Fall of the House of
Stalin (II) - Kurds and Palestinians: Which Way Out?
- Communists and the Chiapas Indians’ Revolt -
Back To Basics: Proletarian Dictatorship and Class Party
(1951) - The International Communist Party - Party Life
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n° 4 (June 1995)
To the Reader: Contracts For America... And The World
-Unemployment, Capitalism’s Insoluble Problem -
Where We Come From: A Brief Chronology - The Fall of
the House of Stalin (III) - Africa: The Clash Between
French and American Capitals - Checenya: Another Medal
For Imperialism - Back To Basics: The Democratic Principle
(1922) - Party Life - Our Press
n° 5 (June 1996)
To The Reader: Unemployment and Elections - Our Name
Is Our Program- Social Struggles in France -Report From
U. S.: The Maturing of the Market economy - Former Yugoslavia:
A Capitalist, Not A Ethnic, War - The Case of Mumia
Abu- Journal: Class Solidarity For All Class Prisoners
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the Class Struggle (I) - Our Press
n° 6 (June 1996)
To the Reader: On Some Fin-De-Siècle Myths - The Lonelines
of the Working Class, Today - A Eulogy to Patience -
From the U.K.: The Historical Path of British Labourism
- Total and Unconditional Solidarity With Immigrants
of Whatever Status - Documents: Appeal to the Workers
of Europe, America and Japan (Baku, 1920) - The Boar
In History, or How the USSR Was Dissolved - Back To
Basics: Force, Violence and Dictatorship In the Class
Struggle (II) - Party Life
n° 7 (May 1998)
To the Reader: Capitalism and Recession - Amidst the
Storms of Worldwide Capital - “Globalization”:
The Mole Is At Work – A Continuity Made Up of Theory,
History and Memory - U.S.A.: The “State of the
Union”; Or, Waiting For the Second Shoe To Drop
- After the Horrendous Massacre In Chiapas - Back To
Basics: Force, Violence and Dictatorship In the Class
Struggle (III) - Suplemento en Español: Editorial -’Un
texto de nuestra corriente: El curso a seguir (1946)
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n° 8 (Spring/Summer 1999)
To the Reader: Party And Class Today (While a New Imperialist
War Is Raging) - The War In Serbia and Kossovo Is a
Capitalist War -Economic Crisis And the Science of Marxism
- The Mole Keeps On Digging - Invariance of Socialdemocracy,
Invariance of Marxism - U. S. News: How the Other Half
Lives, 1999-2000 - The Kurdish Question Back To Basics:
Force, Violence and Dictatorship In the Class Struggle
(IV) - Party Life - Suplemento en Español: Activismo
(1952) -Reformismo y socialismo (1950) - Las dos caras
de la revolutiòn cubana (1961) - Our Press
n° 9 (Spring/Summer 2000)
What is the International Communist
Party: A Presentation
n° 10 (Spring/Summer 2001)
To the Reader: 1921-2001, a Continuity of Doctrine,
Program, and Oraganisation - “Globalisation”
and Proletarian Internationalism - Against All Democratic
Illusions - The Palestinian Question and the International
Workers’ Movement - The Course of Capitalism: USA
- Where We Come From - A Brief Chronology - The Laboratory
of Counterrevolution: A Brief History of Stalinism in
Italy (and Elsewhere) Gramscism: An Age-Long Bane of
Communism - Back To Basics: The 1921 Livorno Program
- Suplemento en Español: La Asamblea Constituyente en
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Dos Textos de Nuestra Corriente: Movimiento Obrero e
Internacionales Sindicales - El Cadáver Todavía Camina
- Programa del Partido Comunista Internacional - De
Dónde Venimos
n°
11 (Summer Fall 2002)
To the Reader - Capitalism’s Continuing Quest for
Oxygen - The Strategy “Terrorism-War” Is the
Bourgeois, Anti-Working-Class Answer to the World Economic
Crisis - The Continuity of Revolutionary Marxism Versus
the Continuity of Imperialist War - The Martyrdom of
the Masses in the Middle East Will Not End Until an
International, Class Perspective Is Regained, Resisting
and Opposing Any Temptation To Be Lured by National
Interests - The “Anti-Global Movement” - After
the “Events of Genoa” - The Only Real Perspective
Is Revolutionary Marxism - The Historical Necessity
of Communism - Gramsci, or the Poverty of Philosophy
- Back To Basics: The Theses of the Abstentionist Communist
Faction of the Italian Socialist Party (1920) - Where
We Come From - A Brief Chronology - Suplemento en Español:
El capitalismo esta a la continua busca de oxigeno -
Trás los “Eventos de Génova”, la única perspectiva
real es la del marxismo revolucionario - Tesis de la
Fracción Comunista Abstencionista del PSI (1920)
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FIRST MAY 2008
THAT THE RED FLAG FLY AGAIN,
A SYMBOL OF CLASS WAR
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Proletarians, comrades!
For thirty years (everyone acknowledges this now) the capitalist mode of production has been in a tunnel of economic crisis, alternating periods of recovery and resounding crashes. Following the repression (democratic, fascist, Nazi and Stalinist) of the proletarian masses, first during the war and then in the post-war period, the contradictions in the capitalist mode of production have gradually become more intense and explosive: hundreds of local wars, tens of millions of deaths sacrificed on the altar of profit, increasingly bitter recessions, environmental ruin, the degradation of social life. Today the overall economic crisis (first and foremost in production, and then in finance and credit) clearly reveals the dramatic and urgent need for the revolutionary transformation of society. The scenario that is being prepared is, in fact, that of a new world conflict of gigantic proportions: the phases of recession have become more and more frequent and those of expansion weaker and more artificial, and all this makes the commercial war between imperialisms more bitter, making military conquests necessary at strategic points for the defence and winning of markets or for the control of the transport routes for raw materials. This is the key to interpreting the United States’ massive gatherings of troops and military intervention in the Mediterranean area, the Caucasus, the Balkans and Afghanistan, closely followed by the lesser, but no less virulent imperialisms (Germany, Japan, Russia, China). American economic predominance is increasingly threatened by the attacks of its competitors: it can no longer get back on its feet and produce a new phase of expansion and what prevent this are the huge internal and foreign debts it has run up, both public and private, the excess production capacity and excess production which, over the past five decades, have led to fierce commercial competition worldwide. But the whole of the capitalist world is in the midst of a crisis, as demonstrated by the crash of the big banks (German and English, as well as American) and the precarious situation of Japanese and Chinese banks. On the other hand, the dramatic situation in the Middle East proclaims that the whole area – of fundamental importance for international capitalism – is dynamite.
Proletarians, comrades!
The great upheavals described by Marxism ever since the Communist Manifesto of 1848 are approaching. Capital, in its various national segments, is preparing for this in the only way it can or knows how to: cutting social spending, dismantling “guarantees” (obtained by fighting for them), exasperating technological innovation and getting rid of labour, restructuring and privatizing, militarizing society in a more or less clandestine manner, fuelling divisions and contrasting positions amongst workers, spreading the moral virus of patriotism and nationalism, laying the foundations for ever wider and more violent conflicts – all in the name not of the private or personal interests of one puppet or another, but of the survival of its own mode of production. At the direct level of production, capitalist dynamics are having devastating effects on the living and working conditions of the proletarian masses: increasing the pace of work, with an increase in “accidents”, extension of precarious employment and flexibility, longer working hours, a direct or indirect reduction in wages, etc. After eighty years of democratic, fascist and Stalinist counterrevolution (which also allowed quite obscenely capitalist regimes to be passed off as “communist”), our class is scattered and disoriented, a victim of the bourgeois illusion that the future will be rosy, and even its most combative sectors remain isolated and are thus easily defeated. Localism, the fragmentation of struggles, joint agreements, skilfully fuelled by corporate political and union organizations, end up by quelling or deviating any sign of an independent class struggle spontaneously resuming.
And yet, under the pressure of material factors and the social tension produced by the worsening crisis, proletarians all over the world will be obliged to return to the path of their traditional claims and traditional methods of struggle. They will be obliged to shake off the weight of parties which, having for some time now positioned themselves to defend capital and being ready to serve its vital interests on all occasions, consider them exclusively as a source of votes; and of unions that for some time now have been proclaiming in their words and deeds that the “national economy is the only common interest”, to be defended in every way – by cutting pensions, by agreements and self-regulation of strikes, by isolating and indicting combative workers, and so on. They will be obliged to recognize the emptiness of any reformist and gradualist, “amicable” or “joint agreement” prospects, as well as of confused and contradictory “movements” that consume their energies in demonstrations without prospects, dominated by pacifist and clerical ideologies, if not openly reactionary and nationalistic ones. They will be obliged to resume the fight, with their usual weapons (pickets, the stoppage of production and provision of services, the constitution of strike funds, the creation of economic defence organisms that bring together the employed and the unemployed, native and immigrant workers, a general strike without warning or limits of time and space), for the following objectives:
- Considerable wage increases for the worst paid categories
- Full wages to the unemployed, paid by the State or by private owners
- Drastic reductions in working hours for the same wage
- Refusal of overtime and long shifts motivated by the “needs of the company or the national economy”
- Opposition to mobility, flexibility and any form of insecure work
- Unrelenting defence of the weaker categories of workers most exposed to blackmail
- General refusal of child labour
- Refusal of any sort of dismissal and lay-off, whatever the motivation
- Refusal of all racist ideology, of all legislative or police measures designed to divide the proletariat
- Refusal of all patriotism or nationalism, however disguised as “common and superior interests”
- Refusal of any imperialist war, however disguised as “defence against outside aggression”, “democratic” or “humanitarian”.
When they finally occupy this ground, the ground of open class warfare, workers from all over the world will also be obliged to acknowledge that this defensive battle is indeed necessary but is insufficient. Within the world of capital, of the search for profit at all costs, of the competition of all against all, there are no acquired rights, no lasting gains, no lasting victories. The truly great result of these fights will be that of sealing the union of workers in a single class front, independent and autonomous of the State and whoever supports it. However, this is not enough, either: a political battle will be necessary. Above all, the revolutionary political party will be needed, able to direct, guide, bring together these struggles beyond the limits of time and space and of local and generational interests, with the objective (naturally a long way off today but inevitable and indispensable) of ending once and for all a mode of production that is solely destructive. And, under its guidance, to open up the way for a classless society, without exploitation or repression, without wars or misery: the society of a fully realized human species.
International Communist Party
(Internationalist Papers – Cahiers Internationalistes
– Il programma comunista)
May 2008
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